The
‘Cyclopean Wall’ at the Isthmus: Some Observations
“The plays of William Shakespeare were written by William Shakespeare or, perhaps, by someone else who had the same name.”
Anonymous
In 1954 Dr.
Chrysoula Kardara was working on the top of Rache (‘the Ridge’) which is in the
area of Isthmia just south of the well-known sanctuary of Poseidon. She happened to look east across the valley
separating Rache from the Mytika plateau and saw (some 220 m distant) a stretch
of walling that appeared to be of Cyclopean work. Closer inspection showed that it was, indeed,
very probably Cyclopean. Further
investigation by Kardara and Dr. Oscar Broneer turned up further segments that
appeared to be of the same or similar construction and which could, plausibly,
be part of the same structure. Kardara
and Broneer first believed that these segments could be part of the support
substructure for a road.[1] In the
ensuing ten years, however, Broneer began to suppose that these segments were
part of a great defense wall. His
arguments were first elaborated in an article from 1966 in which he suggested
that not only were all these segments a defense wall but that what was being
specifically defended against was the Dorian Invasion; as he put it: ‘The
Return of the Heracleidae’.[2] Nor was
he alone; Several major scholars were convinced by Broneer’s change of
mind. Richard Hope Simpson
enthusiastically defended this thesis in his work with Hagel on Mycenaean roads
and bridges [3]. I shall have more to
say about Dr. Simpson’s defense of this thesis. [4]
Another
defender of Broneer’s thesis was the scholar and archaeologist, James Wiseman.[5] Winter [1971] also adopted Broneer’s thesis,
having no difficulty accepting the shallow buttresses (e.g. in section Pe) as
towers. [6]
As time passed, however, other archaeologists began to express doubts. The discoverer of the first segment, Dr. Kardara, as well as the younger scholars, Morgan, Gregory, Loader, etc. weren't so easily convinced of the unity of this 'wall'.
Catherine Morgan provides a careful discussion of all
segments of the wall. She starts by saying "There is no evidence to
indicate that it crossed, or was intended to cross, the Isthmus, or that it
continued to Corinth and served to connect rural settlements; ... "
Loader shows that some of the segments
have widely varying dates. Timothy Gregory says " ... there is no evidence to
connect these short sections into a great defensive work across the Isthmus;
some of the sections might not be Mycenaean at all." [7]
How to defend an Isthmus
It is natural for armchair strategists to look at a map of the Isthmus and suggest a defense of the Peloponnese based on a trans-Isthmus wall. Professional strategists, on the other hand, will look at the same map and see a very different defense; one cheaper, quicker, and more effective. The Isthmus is almost entirely blocked off by Mt. Geraneia which forms an admirable defensive line all by itself. What is required is to block off the Scyronian road on Geraneia's east, secure the pass over the center of the mountain and block the narrow shore along the Corinthian Gulf on the west. [8]. All of these measures are well within the ability of even a modest force.
If this suggested line fails then another line can be formed by starting at
Loutra Helenis [C7732] on the Saronic, continuing across Mt. Onium, and ending
at the Acrocorinth. [9] But, as
Herodotus saw, neither wall nor defense line of any type will work if the enemy has access
to boats. If invaders have a navy, then
the Peloponnese is not defensible by anything except another navy. [10]
Despite
all this, there have been wall-building attempts at or near the Isthmus. But,
since the BA, we know of two walls that actually crossed the Isthmus. The first is the defense wall of the
Peloponnese which was built in 479 BC. The other is the Hexamilion wall which was
begun in the fourth century A.D. We know
that it crossed the Isthmus because its entire route may be easily traced
today. [11]
In 2022-4 I
undertook, with the help of associates, to find out where the several fragments
of the ‘Cyclopean Wall’ were actually located and to photograph them if that
were possible. The more or less unspoken
goal of this activity was to try to understand the state of the question with
respect to a Bronze Age trans-Isthmian wall.
These associates were able to find a number of the named segments and I have written
about the most significant elsewhere in this blog. [12]
Our
quantitative findings are given in the following table. The column headed ‘M.A.P.’ refers to the
Mycenaean Atlas Project. Labels in the
form ‘C____’ refer to actual BA sites, here the several segments. Labels in the form ‘F____’ refer to features
which are either modern (churches, towns, etc.) or to ancient sites which
cannot be referred to the Bronze Age.
Both of these label forms can be directly searched for in the M.A.P.
Name |
Length m. |
Width m.[13] |
Lat |
Lon |
Elev m. |
Above Ground m. |
M.A.P. |
Sk |
17 |
4.0-3.75 |
37.913134° |
23.006914° |
5-7 |
0 |
C7758 |
St |
25 |
4.5-5.75 |
37.913405° |
23.004475° |
13 |
0.5 |
C7759 |
Ro |
8.4 |
? |
37.913475° |
23.003006° |
27 |
0 |
C7760 |
Ph |
11.7 |
? |
37.913669° |
23.000387° |
55? |
? |
F7690 |
Pe |
45.5 |
3.60-4.0 |
37.913457° |
22.997472° |
65 |
0.5-1.0 |
C7761 |
Sp |
22 |
? |
37.911523° |
22.994357° |
67 |
2.5 |
C7769 |
Zo |
13 |
? |
37.91063° |
22.992883° |
74 |
? |
C7765 |
Vl |
30 |
? |
37.908761° |
22.989498° |
? |
? |
F7692 |
Pa |
12.5 |
? |
37.908077° |
22.988464° |
107 |
‘2
courses high’ |
C7762 |
Mi |
4.5 |
? |
37.914877° |
22.993647° |
60 |
0.5 |
C7763 |
Ge |
20.5 |
3.4-3.6 |
37.915184° |
22.993201° |
56 |
0.5 |
CC7764 |
This second table offers some auxiliary
information about each segment …
Name |
Face |
‘Tower’ |
Flat ground or Slope? |
Sk |
N/S |
n |
Flat |
St |
N/S |
‘setback’ |
Flat |
Ro |
N |
y |
Slope |
Ph |
N/? |
y |
? |
Pe |
N |
y |
Slope |
Sp |
N |
n |
Slope |
Zo |
S |
n |
? |
Vl |
N |
n |
Slope |
Pa |
N |
n |
Slope |
Mi |
? |
n |
Flat |
Ge |
N/S |
n |
Flat |
This material can be made clearer with a few pictures. First a picture of this area from the north-east. The Corinth Canal is out of the picture on the bottom. At the top edge is the range of the Oneion hills. The Mytika plateau is in the center; the ridge of the Rache is to the right (W) of it and lit up by the morning sun. The various discovered segments of wall are outlined in green. They are proportionately sized to their length at ground level. The vertical is exaggerated for visibility; most of the segments are level with the ground. Pa (furthest away) is at the head of the valley between Mytika and Rache. Its position is known to within a few tens of meters.
As can be
seen the ‘trans-Isthmian’ wall consists of a number of widely scattered segments.
The next
picture shows the same scene looking directly south and from a lower
angle. This makes it possible to
appreciate the relative elevations of the several segments.
The next
picture attempts to join the several segments into what I consider to be the
most probable groupings.
It seems likely, for example, that Sk/St/Ro form a single stretch and one motivated by a single intention. Pe/Sp seem, likewise, to have been similarly motivated as a single construction. On the west end it appears that Mi and Ge are overwhelmingly likely to have constituted an intended single entity. The difficulty is, of course, the stretch from Zo to Pa. The little gully between Sp and Zo has been the scene of many modifications over the millennia and the remains appear hopelessly confused. Between Zo and Pa there is an additional segment of walling called ‘Vl’ (not shown here). Because no excavation or other work has been performed on this steep hillside it is pointless to speculate about how, exactly, Zo is connected to Pa or whether builders ever conceived them to be part of the same structure.
Here is a variation on the previous picture
which concentrates on the ‘voids‘ or missing segments between the several
groupings.
Here the
missing stretches are shown as orange lines.
The two largest are, of course, that between Ro and Pe on the one hand,
and Pa and Mi/Ge on the other.
Pa to Mi
Let us deal
with the latter first. The stretch
between Pa and Mi would run about 900 meters at the slope break of the
Rache. There is no evidence of any
Cyclopean work here.[14] The usual
suspects are blamed, WW II gun emplacements, agricultural activity, erosion,
etc.[15]
It is very
tempting to conclude that there never was a stretch of walling that joined Pa
to Mi. This is either because Pa and Mi
were constructed for intentionally different purposes (and at different times
and by different actors) or because Pa and Mi were constructed for a related
purpose but that that specific purpose was satisfied by the steep slope of the
Rache without any additional construction.
How can that be?
The
builder/designers among the Mycenaean people often showed a surprising
sensitivity to the actual configuration
of the landforms among which they worked.
It seems that at least some of them considered the various hills of
their homeland as a kind of raw material to be utilized as it suited their
purposes. The best example of this was
the terra-forming (there is no other word) that was performed on the northern
border of Lake Copais in Boeotia. Lake
Copais was an actual lake at the time the earliest Greek speakers entered the
valley. Several important streams
entered this valley but, as this was a karstic landscape, no outlet could be
found for these waters until they reached the level of the several katavothrai or sink holes which would
direct the river flow out of Kopais and towards the ocean.
This occurred when the water reached about 97 m. a.s.l. The lake had a permanent typical depth of
three or four meters. Two of the
significant streams that flowed into the Copais Basin are the Cephissus and the
Melas. Before any land reclamation was
done the Melas had already carved a channel to the nearest Katavothra some 17 km to the E. The Cephissus, on the other hand, flowed
directly into the lake basin. At some
point it appears that the Mycenaeans of Orchomenos determined upon a scheme to
drain the Lake by directing the waters of the Cephissus into the channel of the
Melas. A secondary channel was created
for this purpose. The combined flow of
the rivers, however, was too great for the original channel of the Melas and it
necessarily overflowed. So, it appears
that the second step in the Minyan plan was to create a great dike, south of
the channel of the Melas, which extended all the way to the katavothrai. When the combined flow of the two rivers was
too great for the original channel then the overflow would be contained by the
dike. As a result the Copais lake began to
drain. The point in all of this is that
no dike was constructed north of the channel of the Melas. The Minyans relied on the steeply plunging
hills on the north to contain any overflow in that direction. [16]
Another
striking example of the sensitivity of the Mycenaean builders to landscape
forms is the massive land movement required in order to create the new harbor at Pylos in Messenia.
Ro to Pe
The fact
that no traces of the BA wall have been located between Ro and Pe is often
explained by the fact that the Hexamilion Wall also was built in that location
and, presumably, destroyed traces of the earlier hypothetical BA wall. The distance (length of the void) between Ro
and Pe is 470 m. The Hexamilion Wall
parallels/occludes the (hypothetical) BA wall for a distance of 240 m or only about
half the length of the void. There have
been sporadic and unexcavated finds between the Hexamilion and Pe along the
supposed line of the BA wall, but we are not aware of any finds that would
establish a continuity in this area.[17]
One of the hypotheses we are forced to entertain, then, is that the
‘intention’ that motivated Sk/St/Ro differed from that that motivated Pe/Sp.
What hypotheses are we left with?
1 These wall
fragments are parts of a gigantic fortified cross-Isthmus wall meant to defend
the Peloponnese from an invasion.
2 These wall
fragments are parts of a single-purpose cross-Isthmus wall.
3 These wall
fragments are all parts of a single-purpose local wall encompassing Sk to Ge.
4 These wall
fragments may be grouped into several components; each one of which was
constructed with differing intentions.
a. Pe-Sp-Pa-Mi/Ge
were constructed with a single intention relating only to this valley; e.g. a
hunting kite or to support a road.
b. Pe-Sp-Pa
were constructed with the purpose of buttressing a road.
c. Sk-St-Ro were
constructed with the intention of defending only the coast from the N.
d. Mi-Ge were
constructed with some purpose relating only
to the area around the later Poseidon Temple.
5 These wall fragments were each constructed with differing intentions. That is, no segment is related to any other.
We are now in a position to suggest that some of these hypotheses appear less credible than others. If I had to rank them in order from the most probable to the least probable I would say this: {4b and 4c, 4d, 4a}, 5, 3, 2, 1. Here the bracketed alternatives seem, to me, about equally probable.
In eighteen months this is what my associates and I have been able to learn about the debate over the wall and the remainders of it.
I wish to end this post with a heart-felt and sincere thank-you to my associates Peter Barkevics and Hajo Becker for their hours of field work finding and photographing the remains of the 'Cyclopean Trans-Isthmian Wall'.
Footnotes
[1] Kardara [1971] 85. Broneer [1966] 351, fn. 9: “This part of the wall was first observed in 1954 by Chrysoula Kardara, who was then excavating on the Rachi on the opposite side of the gully. We were then under the impression that it was part of a retaining wall for a road. See Hesperia, XXIV, 1955, p. 124” Also Broneer [1955] 124. Hesperia, XXIV, 1955, p. 124: “It is clearly a retaining wall with a finished face toward the gully. No foundations of other buildings are visible in the vicinity and almost no pot sherds were found, either in the fill in front of the wall or in the near-by plowed field. The wall can have been used only as a retaining wall for a road, probably a part of the ancient communication system connecting the Isthmia region with Epidauros and Troizen.”
[2] “Return of the Herakleidai” in Broneer [1966] 357: “ … the influx of new tribes and the decimation and displacement of the Achaean inhabitants. These movements, known in mythology as the Return of the Herakleidai and in history as the Dorian Invasion.”
[3] Simpson and Hagel [2006] 124-43. On 124: “These, together with historical factors and common-sense observations, all show that Broneer’s main conclusion is substantially correct, i.e. that the Wall was indeed intended as a fortified barrier and boundary demarcation across the Isthmus.” Emphasis added.
[4] Simpson and Hagel [2006] 124, fn. 61 : “In Isthmia VIII the Wall is usually described as “Mycenaean Wall” or “Wall,” in quotation marks, which may be intended as a neutral qualification, but which in fact convey an impression of disbelief.” Emphasis in the original. The work Simpson is referring to is Morgan [1999] and here he clearly emphasizes ‘belief’ as the desired approach.
[5] See Wiseman [1965] 18 ff. “The Dorians could have had, though, a somewhat greater hand in events than Vermeule and others are willing to allow. There is, after all, a Mycenaean fortification wall that was built across the Isthmus of Corinth about the middle of the LH IIIB period. … There are towers projecting from the wall towards the north and east indicating that it was manned by Peloponnesians.” Here Wiseman provides a classic example of the fallacy called ‘begging the question’. It is exactly the existence of the ‘Mycenaean fortification wall’ that needs to be proved.
Also Wiseman [1978] 59-60. He refers uncritically to the “Mycenaean Wall” throughout. Also 59 “Pottery found between the two faces of the wall and on the inside of the faces in the packing of the interstices date to the end of L.H. IIIB and the beginning of L.H. IIIC. The pottery therefore indicates a date of construction not far from 1200 B.C.” And 60 “The features of the wall pointed up by the question are suitable for a fortification wall, not for a road.”
[6] Winter [1971] 152 and esp. fn. 5.
[7] Morgan [1999]; Loader [1995] 164-7; Gregory [1993] 4.
[8] Pass over Mt.
Geraneia : Mycenaean Atlas Project F7678.
[9]
James
Wiseman lists defenses of the Onium line at Wiseman [1978] 77, fn. 92.
[10] Herod. ix.9.2. At this point (sometime
in 479 BC) the trans-isthmian wall has been completed but it looks,
momentarily, as though the Athenians will come to an agreement with the
Persians. If that happens, Chileos tells
the Spartans, then no matter how strong a wall is flung across the Isthmus its
gates will be opened to the Persians since they will have the Athenian navy as
a support.
[11] For
the Hexamilion wall: Gregory [1993].
[12] For our activity in general see this. For segment Pe see this and our relocation of it here. Ro is discussed here, Sp here, and St here. Mi and Ge are part of the discussion here. Pa is part of the discussion here. When I wrote this post we had still not relocated either St or Ro and, as a result, all of its speculations are moot.
[13] Loader [1995] 166, 9.1.5.ii, ‘Average Dimensions’, “As the function of the Isthmian wall is presently unknown, and the remains are suggested by this author to represent sections of more than one structure, comment on its dimensions must be limited.”
[14] It is often said by the unthinking that ‘Absence of evidence is not evidence of absence’. But it is consistent with it.
[15] Simpson and Hagel
[2006]: 127. “Between Section Pa and Section Ge the Wall must have
descended gradually along the southeast slope of the Rachi ridge to the
Sanctuary area. Most of this part is now
lost, largely due to later activity here; … ” Morgan [1999] 444 refers to one section of Pa
as closed off or blocked by a WW II military trench. Simpson says ‘Most of this part is now lost …
‘ but, in truth, beginning with the two small sections of Pa at the head of the
ravine, there is no further trace of a Cyclopean wall until Mi is reached, some
900 m. to the N.
[16] A more complex story than I have sketched here. Much is suppositious. We can only guess the intentions of the Minyans from what we know of the actual dikes that survive. See Simpson [1980] 60, fig. 6 and 61, ‘C1. Ancient Orchomenos’. And many publications by Knauss such as Knauss et al. [1984]. Interested readers can find a list of our blog posts on this topic here.
[17]
Trenches MW 3 and MW 4. See Morgan
[1999]. For MW 3 see 442, ‘4. Trench MW
3’. For MW 4 see 442, ‘6. Trench MW 4’.
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[1958] : Broneer O. The
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32(126):80-88. 1958. Online <a href=”
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